Tlingit language
Tlingit (English: /ˈklɪŋkɪt/ ⓘ KLING-kit;[5] Lingít Tlingit pronunciation: [ɬɪ̀nkɪ́tʰ])[6] is an endangered language indigenous to Southeast Alaska and Western Canada spoken by the Tlingit people that forms an independent branch of the Na-Dene language family. Although the number of speakers is declining, extensive effort is being put into revitalization programs in Southeast Alaska to revive and preserve the language. Missionaries of the Russian Orthodox Church were the first to develop a written version of Tlingit by using the Cyrillic script. After the Alaska Purchase, Tlingit language use was suppressed by the United States government, though preservation programs were introduced beginning in the 20th century. Today, Tlingit is spoken natively by perhaps only a handful of elders.[citation needed] Tlingit's placement in the Na-Dene family has provoked much debate over the last century, with most scholars now considering it to form a separate branch in the phylum, the other being Eyak-Athabaskan (including Eyak and the Athabaskan languages). Tlingit is notable for its unusual phonology, especially compared to Indo-European languages, and its morphological complexity. HistoryThe early history of Tlingit is poorly known, mostly because there was no written record until Robert de Lamanon collected numerals and five nouns during the La Pérouse expedition in 1786.[7] The language appears to have spread northward from the Ketchikan–Saxman area towards Icy Bay[8] since certain conservative features are reduced gradually from south to north.[9] In fact, Tlingit northerly expansion into Eyak and Athabaskan territories was still taking place in recorded times.[8][10] The first Tlingit orthography and literacy program were created by the Russian Orthodox church during the Russian colonization of Alaska.[11] However, following the 1867 purchase of Alaska by the United States, native languages were suppressed in favor of English language homogeneity and assimilation.[11][12] It was not until the mid-20th century that the language literacy movement would regain ground,[11] but the total number of speakers continued to decline.[13] Beginning in the late-20th century, revitalization and preservation programs were also introduced.[14] ClassificationTlingit is currently classified as a distinct and separate branch of Na-Dene, an indigenous language family of North America.[15] In 1915, Edward Sapir argued for its inclusion in the Na-Dene family,[16] a claim that was subsequently debated by Franz Boas, P.E. Goddard, and many other prominent linguists of the time.[17] Its inclusion in the family has proven controversial due to lack of common vocabulary despite shared phonological and grammatical features.[18] Studies in the late 20th century by Heinz-Jürgen Pinnow and Michael E. Krauss showed a strong connection to Eyak and hence to the Athabaskan languages, thus essentially proving the Na-Dene family as including Tlingit.[18] Sapir initially proposed a connection between Tlingit and Haida,[16] but the debate over Na-Dene gradually excluded Haida from the discussion. Haida is now considered an isolate,[19] with some borrowing from its long proximity with Tlingit.[20] However, some contemporary linguists still hold that Haida is part of the Na-Dene family – such as John Enrico, a specialist in Haida.[20][21] The first proposal linking Na-Dene and thus Tlingit to the Yeniseian languages of Siberia was made by Italian linguist Alfredo Trombetti in 1923.[22] In the early 2000s, Edward Vajda presented empirical evidence for the existence of this super family, Dene–Yeniseian.[23] Although support for the hypothesis has not been universal,[24] it has been called "the first demonstration of a plausible genealogical link between languages of Eurasia and languages of the Americas".[25] Geographic distributionThe Tlingit language was traditionally spoken from near the mouth of the Copper River at Controller Bay down the open coast of the Gulf of Alaska and throughout almost all of the islands of the Alexander Archipelago in Southeast Alaska.[6][26] It is characterized by about four distinct dialects,[27][28] but they are mostly mutually intelligible,[10] indicating relatively recent territorial expansion.[10][29] Almost all of the area where the Tlingit language is endemic is contained within the modern borders of Alaska. The exception is an area known as "Inland Tlingit"[30] that extends up the Taku River and into northern British Columbia and the Yukon around Atlin Lake (Áa Tleen "Big Lake"[31]) and Teslin Lake (Desleen < Tas Tleen "Big Thread"[31]), as well as around Tagish Lake near the Chilkoot Trail (Jilkhoot).[30] Otherwise, Tlingit is not found in Canada. There is a small group of speakers (some 85) in Washington as well.[32] Use and revitalization effortsTlingit is classified as critically endangered by UNESCO.[33] In 2007, Golla reported a maximum population of 500 speakers in Alaska, and an additional 185 in Canada.[34] The First Peoples' Cultural Council reported 2 fluent speakers in British Columbia out of an ethnic population of 400.[35] Tlingit courses are available at the University of Alaska Southeast, taught in part by Lance Twitchell. In 2022, the university began offering these classes for free.[36][37] In April 2014, Alaska HB 216 recognized Tlingit as an official language of Alaska, lending support to language revitalization.[38] DialectsTlingit is divided into roughly four major dialects,[28] all of which are essentially mutually intelligible:[10]
The various dialects of Tlingit can be classified roughly into two-tone and three-tone systems. Tongass Tlingit, however, has no tone but a four-way register contrast between short, long, glottalized, and "fading" vowels.[43] (In the last type, the onset of the vowel is articulated normally but the release is murmured, essentially a rapid opening of the glottis once articulation is begun, resulting in fading of volume and pitch.)[44] The tone values in two-tone dialects can be predicted in some cases from the three-tone values but not the reverse. Earlier, it was hypothesized that the three-tone dialects were older and that the two-tone dialects evolved from them. However, Jeff Leer's discovery of the Tongass dialect in the late 1970s has shown[citation needed] that the Tongass vowel system is adequate to predict the tonal features of both the two-tone and three-tone dialects, but none of the tonal dialects could be used to predict vocalic feature distribution in Tongass Tlingit. Thus, Tongass Tlingit is the most conservative of the various dialects of Tlingit, preserving contrasts which have been lost in the other dialects. The fading and glottalized vowels in Tongass Tlingit have also been compared with similar systems in the Coast Tsimshian dialect, which has led some to believe that the Tongass system was inherited from Coast Tsimshian.[45] However, the Tongass system also shows remarkable similarity to the Eyak system, suggesting that Tongass retained features from Proto-Na-Dene which instead developed into tonal systems in most of the Athabaskan languages and the other dialects of Tlingit.[46] PhonologyTlingit has a complex phonological system compared to Indo-European languages such as English or Spanish. It has an almost complete series of ejective consonants accompanying its stop, fricative, and affricate consonants. The only missing consonant in the Tlingit ejective series is [ʃʼ].[citation needed] The language is also notable for having several laterals but no voiced [l] and for having no labials in most dialects, except for [m] and [p] in recent English loanwords.[47] ConsonantsThe consonants in the table are given in the IPA, with the popular orthography equivalents in brackets. Dialectal, obsolete, and marginal consonants are given in parentheses.
Nasal consonants assimilating with /n/ and the velar and uvular plosives is common among Tlingit-speakers of all dialects. For example, the sequence ng (/nk/) is often heard as [ŋk] and ngh (/nq/) as [ɴq]. Native speakers in a teaching position may admonish learners when they produce these assimilated forms, deriding them as "not Tlingit" or "too English", but it is common to later hear such speakers producing those forms themselves.[citation needed] It is uncertain whether this assimilation is autochthonous or if it arose from contact with English, but the former is more likely from a purely articulatory perspective. Young speakers and second-language learners are increasingly making a voiced/unvoiced distinction between consonants, rather than the traditional unaspirated/aspirated distinction. That is because of the influence of English, which makes a similar distinction. For speakers who make the voiced/unvoiced distinction, the distribution is symmetrical with the unaspirated/aspirated distinction among other speakers. Phonetic analysis shows that all Tlingit word final non-ejective stops are phonemically unaspirated, although there is a wide variation in ordinary speech, ranging from unreleased [t̚] to a very delayed aspiration [tːʰ].[52] The underlying phoneme is the unaspirated stop, since this form is consistently produced when the word is suffixed. The orthography usually but not always reflects that: hít "house" is written (du) hídi "(his) house" when marked with the possessive suffix -ÿí. It is possible but has not been verified that aspirated and unaspirated stops are collapsed into a single phoneme word-finally. Phonetic analysis also shows that the ejective fricatives in Tlingit are in fact true ejectives, with complete closure of the glottis before frication begins and the larynx raising in the same manner as with ejective stops.[53] This contrasts with common analyses in some other languages with ejective fricatives, which considers them a sequence of fricative and glottal stop.[53] VowelsTlingit has eight vowels, four vowels further distinguished formally by length. However, the length distinction is often in terms of tenseness rather than length, particularly in rapid speech. For the Northern dialect, the dominant spoken dialect of Tlingit and the standard for written Tlingit, every vowel may take either high or low tone; in the orthography high tone is indicated by an acute accent (áa) and low tone is unmarked (aa). The Southern and Transitional dialects have a mid tone which is unmarked and additional low tone which is marked by a grave accent (àa). The Inland Tlingit orthography does not use vowel digraphs. Instead, short high vowels are marked with an acute accent, long high vowels are marked with a circumflex, and long low vowels are marked with a grave accent. Short low vowels are unmarked. Coastal Tlingit ⟨áa⟩ and ⟨aa⟩ are Inland ⟨â⟩ and ⟨à⟩ respectively. Coastal ⟨éi⟩ and ⟨ei⟩ are Inland ⟨ê⟩ and ⟨è⟩, Coastal ⟨ée⟩ and ⟨ee⟩ are Inland ⟨î⟩ and ⟨ì⟩, and Coastal ⟨óo⟩ and ⟨oo⟩ are Inland ⟨û⟩ and ⟨ù⟩.
Word onset is always consonantal in Tlingit and so words never begin with a vowel. Where a vowel would theoretically have occurred, such as by prefixing or compounding, the vowel is always followed by either [ʔ] or [j]. The former is universal in single words, and both are found in word-medial position in compounds. The orthography does not reflect the [ʔ] in word-initial position, but either . or y may be seen in medial position. For example: [qʰuːwʌtʼáː] khoowat'áa khu- INDH.OBJ- ÿu- PERF- ÿa- (ø, -D, +I)- t'áa hot "the weather is hot" But when the perfective prefix ÿu- is word-initial, the glottal stop appears to ensure that the word begins with a consonant. [ʔʊwʌtʼáː] uwat'áa ∅- 3.NEU.OBJ- ÿu- PERF- ÿa- (ø, -D, +I)- t'áa hot "it is hot" Writing systemUntil the late 1960s, Tlingit was written exclusively in phonetic transcription in the works of linguists and anthropologists except for a little-known Cyrillic alphabet used for publications by the Russian Orthodox Church. A number of amateur anthropologists doing extensive work on the Tlingit had no training in linguistics and so left numerous samples in vague and inconsistent transcriptions, the most famous being George T. Emmons. However, such noted anthropologists as Franz Boas, John R. Swanton, and Frederica de Laguna have transcribed Tlingit in various related systems that feature accuracy and consistency but sacrifice readability. Two problems ensue from the multiplicity of transcription systems used for Tlingit. One is that there are many of them, thus requiring any reader to learn each individual system depending on what sources are used. The other is that most transcriptions made before Boas's study of Tlingit have numerous mistakes in them, particularly because of misinterpretations of the short vowels and ejective consonants. Accuracy of transcription can be increased by checking against similar words in other systems, or against a modern work postdating Naish and Story's work in the 1960s. Grammar
Tlingit grammar at first glance appears to be highly fusional, but this is an incorrect assumption. There are predictable processes by which the basic phonetic shapes of individual morphemes are modified to fit various phonological requirements. These processes can be described with a regular language, and such descriptions are given here on a per morpheme basis by giving rule schemas for the context sensitive phonological modification of base morphemes. Analyzing all the possible combinations of morphemes and phonological contexts in Tlingit and constructing a regular language to describe them is a daunting but tractable task.[citation needed] Despite not being a fusional language, Tlingit is still highly synthetic as an agglutinating language, and is even polysynthetic to some extent. The verb, as with all the Na-Dene languages, is characteristically incorporating. Nouns are in comparison relatively simple, with many being derived from verbs. Word orderTlingit word order is SOV when non-pronominal agent and object phrases both exist in the sentence. However, there is a strong urge to restrict the argument of the verb phrase to a single non-pronominal noun phrase, with any other phrases being extraposed from the verb phrase. If a noun phrase occurs outside of the verb phrase then it is typically represented in the verb phrase by an appropriate pronoun. Nouns
PronominalsTlingit has a complex system of pronominals, which vary depending on their relationship to the verb. The subject pronominals are incorporated into the verb in its subject slot.[54] The object pronominals are essentially graphically independent. They are divided into three classes: the verbal object, nominal object, and postpositional object. There are also independent pronominals which are completely separate from the verb; they can be used in dependent clauses or in subject or object position. The pronominals can be visualized in the following table.[54][55]
The numbers in the first column represent the usual concept of person, i.e. first, second, or third. Story and Naish identified a fourth person, but this term is inappropriate since they did not describe a clear separation between the so-called fourth person and the other impersonal pronominals.[citation needed] When analyzing a sentence, the pronominal type is given first, then the form (subject, object, independent) is given following a period. This uniquely represents the pronominal as a two dimensional unit. Thus 1SINGULAR SUBJECT is the first person singular subject pronominal, realized as xhat. The RECIPROCAL does not uniquely identify one of the two reciprocal pronominals, but since they are both phonetically identical as woosh, it is generally unnecessary to uniquely identify them. There is also a notional zeroth person which can be of subject, object, or independent form. This is not realized in Tlingit, instead it is an empty placeholder for analysis. Subject pronominalsThe subject pronominals are all incorporated into the verb. Thus when the subject is represented as a pronominal, the syntactic subject position of the sentence is empty. Object pronominalsObject pronominals are divided into three classes, the verbal, nominal, and postpositional.[citation needed] The verbal object pronominals function similarly to the subject pronominals in that they preclude an explicit object when used. The nominal object pronominals are similar in some respects to the possessive pronouns of English. They precede a noun and represent the object of the noun, typically implying possession of the noun. Postpositional object pronominals function as objects to which postpositions are attached. They act as the object of a postposition in a manner similar to an ordinary noun suffixed with a postposition. DirectionalsStrictly speaking, the Tlingit directionals can be classified as nouns on the basis of their syntactic function. However, they form a distinct semantic set of nouns which indicate direction relative to some stated position. They also show stem variation depending locative suffixation, in particular with the allative suffix -dei. These stem variants also occur with the adverb construction N1-da-N2-(i)n "N2 N1-ward" where N2 is an anatomic noun and N1 is a directional stem.
ParticlesParticles function as neither noun nor verb. They are restricted to positions relative to phrases in the sentence. Focus particlesThe focus particles follow the left periphery ("forephrase" per Leer) of a sentence. The Naish–Story term for them is "post-marginals". Many of them may be suffixed with a demonstrative (-yá, -hé, -wé, -yú), and they may also be combined with the interrogative (-gé). Focus particles are stylistically written as separate words, but phonetically, they may be indivisible from the preceding utterance.
The combination of the focus á with the demonstratives gives the frequently used particles áyá and áwé, and the less common áhé and áyú. Combination of the interrogative ágé with the demonstratives gives the confirmative particles ákwé and ákyá (ák-hé and ákyú are uncommon), used to elicit a yes/no response from the listener. The interrogative ágé also usually contracts to ág before tsú "also": ág tsú "also?" < ágé + tsú. The particle sá is obligatory in forming wh-question phrases. It can be combined with a demonstrative, the dubitative, the rhetorical interrogative, and the emphatic assertion:
Phrasal particlesPhrasal particles may occur after focus particles that occur with or without demonstrative finals. The following are postphrasal particles, thus they may only occur after the phrase that they modify.
Except for x'wán and tsé, the above may occur after the focus particles. The following are prephrasal particles, i.e. they occur before the phrase that they modify. Naish and Story call these "pre-marginals".
Mobile particlesThese particles may occur before or after any phrase in a clause.
Compare the mobile particle tsu with the postphrasal particle tsú. Both the sentence káaxwei tsu eetéenaxh xhat yatee "I need more coffee" and the sentence káaxwei tsú eetéenaxh xhat yatee "I also need coffee" are acceptable. However the sentence *tsú káaxwei eetéenaxh xhat yatee is syntactically inadmissible because the particle tsú is postphrasal, i.e. it cannot precede the phrase it modifies, in this case the noun phrase káaxwei. The corresponding sentence with the tsu particle in front, tsu káaxwei eetéenaxh xhat yatee "I need coffee again/still" is in contrast syntactically acceptable. Thus a Tlingit listener will recognize the tsu particle in a phrase-initial position without confusion but tone is necessary to distinguish it in a phrase-final position. For this reason the tsu particle is often used prephrasally although it is syntactically admitted in either position. Thus the song name Tsu Héidei Shugaxhtootaan could also be héidei tsu shugaxhtootaan, but placing the tsu in front has the advantage of unambiguity, and thus seems more euphonious to native speakers. Sentence-initial particlesThese particles may only occur at the front of a sentence. Naish–Story term these "clause marginals".
Tlingit-language mediaThe Irish TV series An Klondike (2015–2017), set in Canada in the 1890s, contains Tlingit dialogue. The American comedy-drama Northern Exposure contains Tlingit dialogue. In 2023, the Central Council of the Tlingit & Haida Indian Tribes (Tlingit & Haida) announced the release of the first of nine Tlingit-language children's books and animated videos. As a collaborative effort between Tlingit & Haida, the Goldbelt Heritage Foundation, Cedar Group, and illustrators Kelsey Mata and Nick Alan Foote, the project is funded under a three-year grant through the United States Department of Education's Alaska Native Education Program. The first book is titled Kuhaantí (2023) and was released on October 27, 2023.[56] References
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