McDonnell, Justin. Mao’s Little Red Book in China and Beyond. The Diplomat. [2022-08-08]（英语）. Despite his failings, there is still great reverence for the late leader. There’s the Chinese New Left, who advocate a Maoist revival and are critical of the Party’s economic policies.
Wu, Yiching. Rethinking ‘Capitalist Restoration’ in China. Monthly Review. 2005-11-01 [2022-08-08]（英语）. The rise of a Chinese intellectual left (xin zuopai, or the “new left”) in the late 1990s is a very important development, which would warrant a separate study. For two collections that provide useful information on the Chinese “new left,” see Wang Chaohua, One China, Many Paths; Zhang Xudong, Whither China (Durham, N.C.: Duke University Press, 2002).
"and the New Left or New Maoists (Party members critical of the country’s embracing of neoliberalism and with a certain nostalgia for communal feeling under Mao’s rule..."--ときさきくるみ2023年1月28日 (六) 08:29 (UTC)回复
最初：en:Special:Permalink/3521681：“新左派是在1990年代中期在中华人民共和国出现的一种反对自由主义的政治思想。这个阵营的大多数成员是30多岁到40出头的学者。新左派被认为比自由主义对今天的中国学生更有吸引力，因为中国在现代化过程中面临的问题，如不平等和贫富差距的扩大，正变得越来越严重。”（原文：Neo-leftism arose as a political idea in opposition to liberalism during the mid-1990s in the People's Republic of China. Most members of this camp are scholars in their 30s to early 40s. Neo-leftism is seen as being more appealing to students in China today than liberalism, as problems faced by China during its modernisation such as inequality and the widening gap between the rich and the poor are becoming more serious.）
2012年时的稳定版本：en:Special:Permalink/506127913：“中华人民共和国的新左派是一种反对资本主义和中国经济改革的意识形态倾向，主张恢复毛泽东式的社会主义，其中包括国家计划的更大作用，国有企业的扩张，以及集体主义精神的更新。在邓小平时代‘低调’地出现在世界舞台上之后，它还与中国民族主义的加强密切相关。它被认为是对中国自20世纪80年代以来在现代化进程中所面临的问题的回应，这些问题导致了沿海和内地之间以及富人和穷人之间的社会不平等日益严重。”（New Leftism (Chinese: 新左派) in the People's Republic of China is an ideological tendency in opposition to capitalism and the Chinese economic reforms and in favour of the restoration of Maoist-style socialism, which includes greater role for state planning, the expansion of state-owned enterprises, and a renewed spirit of collectivism. It is also strongly associated with increased Chinese nationalism after a period of 'low-profile' presence on the world stage during Deng Xiaoping's era. It is seen as a response to problems faced by China during its modernization drive since the 1980s, which has led to mounting social inequality between the coast and the hinterlands, as well as between the rich and the poor.）这写的其实完全是新毛主义。
泰晤士报：“这个新的左翼在更广泛的人群中找到了可接受的受众，许多人对惊人的贫富差距和腐败感到厌恶，并怀念现代中国的创始革命统治者毛泽东的时代”（This new left wing has found a receptive audience in a broader swathe of the population, many disgusted by a jarring wealth gap and corruption, and nostalgic for the era of Mao Zedong, the founding revolutionary ruler of modern China.）
《中国的新红卫兵》第96页：“尽管张宏良用‘新左派’的标签来描述他的第三支政治力量，但像乌有之乡这样的团体与崔之元、汪晖等新左派思想家之间的共同点越来越少。相反，占[乌有之乡]主导地位的将是一种阴谋论的、公开的毛泽东思想和咄咄逼人的民族主义意识形态鼓动风格。”（Despite Zhang Hongliang’s use of the label “new left” to describe his third political force, there was diminishing common ground between groups like Utopia and the New Left thinkers like Cui Zhiyuan and Wang Hui. Instead, it was a conspiratorial, openly Maoist, and aggressively nationalistic style of ideological agitation that would dominate.）
《中国的新红卫兵》第125页：“新左派学者汪晖对此表示赞同，他认为关闭[乌有之乡、毛泽东旗帜网等]左派网站是‘中国和美国当局’的秘密联盟所为，目的是在全球金融危机之后恢复‘新自由主义’。”（New Left scholar Wang Hui agreed, seeing in the closing of leftist websites the work of a secret alliance of “Chinese and US authorities” to revive “neoliberalism” in the wake of the global financial crisis.）
Protelarian China 无产中国，第698页：“區龍宇认为佳士的特别之处在于，该运动打破了中国自由主义者与新左派和新毛泽东主义者冗长的知识分子分化。”（What Au has instead found special about Jasic is the campaign’s break from the country’s tired intellectual divisions: Chinese liberals versus the New Left and neo-Maoists.）
区龙宇原文在Dog Days: Made in China Yearbook 2018 狗年：2018年中国年鉴里，佳士动员章，来看看他原文怎么说的。第73页：“充其量，只有少数新左派知识分子在他们的著作中采用了 "公平 "的修辞，用 "优先考虑公正 "来反驳自由主义者对未来改革 "效率优先 "的口号。至于学生，他们只是退回到他们的学习中。直到2009年广州环卫工人的罢工，工人们才开始得到学生的支持，他们大多以个人身份参与，而不是作为一个协调的团体。”（At best, only a handful of the New Left intellectuals adopted a rhetoric of ‘fairness’ in their writings by counterposing the liberal slogan of ‘prioritising efficiency’ for future reform with ‘prioritising justice’ instead. As for the students, they simply retreated to their study. It was not until the 2009 Guangzhou sanitation workers strike that workers began to receive some support from students, who mostly participated as individuals, rather than as a coordinated group.）；第75页：“我们可以从佳士中学到很多东西。它应该成为我们的催化剂，让我们开始就中国劳工运动在危机四伏的社会中的状况和策略进行早该进行的公开辩论。以前，劳工是沉默的大多数，在自由派和新左派的辩论中基本上没有参与。而佳士提醒我们，情况正在发生变化，现在有更多的工人希望他们的声音被听到，关于所有这些问题的辩论也越来越紧迫。”（There is much for us to learn from the Jasic case. It should be the catalyst for us to begin a long overdue public debate on the situation and strategy of China’s labour movement in the midst of a crisis-ridden society. Whereas previously labour constituted a silent majority which remained basically absent from the debate between Liberals and the New Left, the Jasic case reminds us that the situation is changing, that more workers now want their voices to be heard, and that a debate on all these issues is increasingly urgent.），这篇文章通篇没有提到新左派是什么，而是在说毛派在怎么怎么，直到倒数第二段还在说郑州的事，但我倒觉得这不言而喻。
Revolution and Counterrevolution in China 中国的革命与反革命，革命的遗产一章（由于转pdf工具的问题我也不确定这是第几页，大概在90页）：“汪晖描绘了一个侵蚀的过程，即党从对革命群众的领导转变为充当统治者和依靠官僚机器。”（Wang Hui depicts a process of erosion whereby the party shifts from leadership of the revolutionary masses to acting as ruler and relying on a bureaucratic machine.），接着下一页甚至讲起了西方新左派运动，当然这显然会被抱怨不够具有关联性。那么，我们看一下这本书的结构，首先还是汪晖、文革，然后是00年代的左派运动——当然这次没有点名乌有和毛旗，然后是12年，然后是佳士。
Lawrence R. Sullivan的Historical Dictionary of the Chinese Communist Party 中国共产党历史字典，2022年版（注意不是2012年版），第417页直接说乌有是一个新左派平台，又说2018年该平台的新毛派人员参加了佳士，当然同书里作者也写了汪晖等人，并把他们称作“新左派”或是“新左派知识分子”（这和我的看法一致）。
