第二種思想流派則側重於社會經濟因素，認為這些因素才是驅動種姓制度生成的根本原因。該學派相信種姓制度植根於印度的經濟、政治和物質歷史。{{sfnp|Bayly|2001|pp=19–24}這個學派在後殖民時代的學者中較為常見，如傑拉德·D·貝爾曼（Gerald D. Berreman）（美國）、麥金·馬裡奧特（英语：McKim Marriott）（美國）及尼古拉斯·B·德克斯（英语：Nicholas Dirks）（美國）等人，他們將種姓制度描述為一種不斷演變的社會現實，只有透過研究實際運作的歷史證據以及檢視印度經濟、政治和物質歷史中可驗證的情況，才能得到正確的理解。[64][65]這個學派的研究重點在於印度古代和中世紀社會的歷史證據，包括12世紀至18世紀的穆斯林統治時期，以及18世紀至20世紀中葉英國殖民政府的政策。[66][67]
根據英國作者傑佛·瑞塞繆爾（Geoffrey Samuel）引用美國學者喬治·L·哈特（英语：George L. Hart）的觀點，印度後期種姓制度的核心要素可能源自婆羅門教、佛教和耆那教傳入印度之前的儀式王權體系。這種體系見於南印度坦米爾語的桑伽時期文學（英语：Sangam liturature）（公元前3世紀至公元3世紀）。這個理論摒棄印度-雅利安人的瓦爾那模式作為種姓的基礎，而是以國王的神授權力為中心，國王"由一群社會地位低下的儀式和魔法專家支持"，他們的儀式性職業被認為是"受到污染"。根據哈特的說法，可能正是這個模式產生對低地位群體成員"受到污染"的擔憂。塞繆爾寫道，哈特的種姓起源模型設想"古代印度社會由大多數沒有內部種姓劃分的群體和少數由一些從事被污染職業的小群體組成"。[72]
荷蘭歷史學家德克·H·A·科爾夫（英语：Dirk H. A. Kolff）對於印度西部的看法是中世紀時期的拉傑普特人歷史，主要是由那些地位較為開放的社會群體所塑造。他認為北印度普遍存在的血緣親屬和種姓制度是比較晚近才出現，它們分別在蒙兀兒帝國早期和英國殖民時期才成為主要的社會組織方式。從歷史的角度來看，中世紀和近代早期印度社會結構，更多是由聯盟和那些地位開放的群體（像是軍事團體或宗教派別）來主導，而非由血統和種姓來決定。[126]
印度歷史和宗教教授埃莉諾·內斯比特（Eleanor Nesbitt）認為，英國殖民政府不僅透過種姓普查加劇印度社會基於種姓的隔閡，更在20世紀初頒佈一系列法律，進一步強化這種分裂。[201][202]舉例來說，殖民官員制定1900年的《旁遮普土地疏遠法（英语：Punjab Land Alienation Act, 1900）》和1913年的《旁遮普優先購買權法（Punjab Pre-Emption Act in 1913）》等法規，明確列出哪些種姓可合法擁有土地，這項法律使得人口普查中所列的某些種姓無法同樣的擁有財產。這些法案禁止擁有土地的種姓將土地以任何形式轉讓給非農業種姓，這不僅阻礙財產的經濟流動，也在印度社會中形成更加根牢固的種姓壁壘。[201][203]
兩位美國社會學學者斯梅爾瑟（Neil J. Smelser）和李普塞特（Seymour Martin Lipset ）在評析英國學者赫頓（John Henry Hutton）對殖民時期印度種姓制度的研究時，提出印度種姓制度的儀式性特徵，可能是造成社會階層流動緩慢的原因。斯梅爾瑟和李普塞特認為，殖民政府在建立社會等級制度時，可能直接以印度原有的宗教儀式性種姓制度為基礎，進一步限制社會流動。[219]
社會階層劃分以及由此產生的不平等現象，在今天的印度依然存在，[222][223]並受到廣泛批評。[224]印度社會學家阿爾溫德·沙阿（英语：A. M. (Arvind Manilal) Shah）指出，政府推行的保留制（為特定群體保留職位和入學名額）和落後階層配額等政策，目的在縮小這種不平等，但矛盾的是，這些政策在某種程度上也不可避免的導致這種社會分層持續保留下來。[225]印度政府官方承認歷史上受到歧視的印度社群，例如將以前的"不可接觸者階層"歸類為"表列種姓和表列部落"，並將一些經濟上較為落後的種姓歸類為"其他落後階層"。[226][227]
曼德爾委員會於1979年成立，主要任務是界定在社會和教育方面處於弱勢的群體，並探討透過保留席位和配額的方式，彌補由種姓制度造成的歧視。[258]委員會於1980年發布報告，對於印度法律中實行的平權行動原則給予肯定。根據這項原則，除原先已為達利特階層（過去常稱不可接觸者）和部落居民預留的23%名額外，其他落後階層（簡稱OBCs）進一步獲得額外27%的政府職位和公立大學入學機會。然而，時任總理的V. P. 辛格政府在1990年試圖推行曼德爾委員會的建議時，引發印度全國大規模的抗議活動。許多人認為，政治人物推動種姓保留名額制度，其真實目的是為爭取選票。
研究人員德賽等人（Desai et al.）於2008年進行一項研究，深入探討印度於1983年至2000年間，最底層種姓和部落社群中6至29歲兒童及青年的教育成果。該研究針對超過10萬個家庭進行全國性調查，涵蓋4個不同的年份。[264]研究結果顯示，低種姓兒童完成初等教育的機會顯著提升。更令人矚目的是，達利特兒童完成中學、高中乃至大學教育的人數增長速度，是全國平均水平的3倍，且在高等教育階段，低種姓和高種姓的總人數已趨於統計學上的相等。然而，該研究也揭示在2000年，從未接受過任何學校教育的達利特男性比例，仍然是高種姓男性的兩倍以上。此外，達利特女性的大學畢業率僅為1.67%，遠低於高種姓女性的9.09%。印度在1983年至2000年間，就學的達利特女孩人數翻了一倍，儘管如此，其入學率仍舊低於全國的平均水平。與此同時，印度境內的其他貧窮種姓群體以及穆斯林等族裔群體，在教育程度上也呈現進展，但他們的進步幅度相較於達利特人和阿迪瓦西人而言，仍然較為緩慢。值得注意的是達利特人和穆斯林於1999年的整體入學率，在統計數據上呈現相似的水平。
部分學者明確反對將印度的種姓視為等同於種族的概念。[325][326][327]其中，安貝德卡便曾指出，"旁遮普邦的婆羅門與恰馬爾，就其種族血統而言，實屬同源。種姓制度的功能並非劃分種族界限，而是在同一種族內部進行的社會性分工。"[328]眾多社會學家、人類學家及歷史學家也紛紛否定種姓制度的種族起源論以及對種族因素的過度強調，他們傾向認為將種姓問題種族化的觀點，其背後往往隱藏著純粹的政治和經濟考量。貝泰耶（Beteille）在其著作中明確闡述道："將印度所有的表列種姓視為一個單一的種族，其合理性與將所有婆羅門階層視為一個種族同樣不足。不能僅因為我們希望保護某個社會群體免受偏見和歧視，就將其簡單地歸類為一個種族。"[327]此外，貝泰耶還批評聯合國於2001年在德班主辦的反種族主義大會（英语：World Conference against Racism 2001） ，認為其立場"正背離業已確立的科學共識"。[327]
大眾文化
文學
種姓制度在文學領域一直是重要的敘事主題。穆爾克·拉吉·阿南德的處女作品，名為《不可接觸者》（1935年）的小說便深刻探討印度社會中存在的不可接觸者問題。同樣，女性作家阿蘭達蒂·羅伊於1997年出版的處女作小說《微物之神（英语：The God of Small Things）》也觸及跨越不同宗教的種姓制度及其影響。一位名為薩布·托馬斯（Sabu Thomas）的律師曾向法院提起訴訟，請求出版商在發行《微物之神》時刪除其最後一章，理由是該章節對不同種姓成員之間的性行為進行過於露骨的描寫。托馬斯主張小說結尾部分為淫穢的內容，嚴重傷害小說故事背景所依賴的聖多馬基督社群的宗教情感。[329]
^Reich (2018，第143頁): "[Genetical] bottlenecks occur when relatively small numbers of individuals have many offspring and their descendants too have many offspring and remain genetically isolated from the people who surround them due to social or geographic barriers." Reich provides the examples of Ashkenazi Jews ("from whom I descend," he notes), the population of Finland, and religious dissenters such as the Amish.
^Reich (2018，第144頁): Citing one example among many "striking ones," they cite the case of the Vaishya, a middle-caste group of about five million people in the southern state of Andra Pradesh, who were traced to a bottleneck that occurred between three thousand and two thousand years in the past.
^Sweetman notes that the Brahmin had a strong influence on the British understanding of India, thereby also influencing the methods of British rule and western understandings of Hinduism, and gaining a stronger position in Indian society.[155]
^Karade states, "the caste quarantine list was abolished by independent India in 1947 and criminal tribes law was formally repealed in 1952 by its first parliament".[197]
^Dirks (2001a，第5頁): "Rather, I will argue that caste (again, as we know it today) is a modern phenomenon, that it is, specifically, the product of an historical encounter between India and Western colonial rule. By this I do not mean to imply that it was simply invented by the too clever British, now credited with so many imperial patents that what began as colonial critique has turned into another form of imperial adulation. But I am suggesting that it was under the British that 'caste' became a single term capable of expressing, organising, and above all 'systematising' India's diverse forms of social identity, community, and organisation. This was achieved through an identifiable (if contested) ideological canon as the result of a concrete encounter with colonial modernity during two hundred years of British domination. In short, colonialism made caste what it is today."
^Dirks, Scandal of Empire (2006，第27頁): "The institution of caste, for example, a social formation that has been seen as not only basic to India but part of its ancient constitution, was fundamentally transformed by British colonial rule."
^Sweetman cites Dirks (1993), The Hollow Crown, University of Michigan Press, p.xxvii
^For example, some Britons believed Indians would shun train travel because tradition-bound South Asians were too caught up in caste and religion, and that they would not sit or stand in the same coaches out of concern for close proximity to a member of higher or lower or shunned caste. After the launch of train services, Indians of all castes, classes and gender enthusiastically adopted train travel without any concern for so-called caste stereotypes.[213][214]
^ 1.01.1Bronkhorst 2020，第203, note 65頁 notes that Moorjani et al. (2013) "leaves us with the suspicion that endogamy had been adopted in the Dravidian south a full thousand years before the north, thus suggesting that something like a "caste system existed there already before and independently of Brahmanical influences."
^ 5.05.1Stanton, Andrea. An Encyclopedia of Cultural Sociology of the Middle East, Asia, and Africa. US: Sage Publications. 2012: 12–13. ISBN 978-1-4129-8176-7.
^ 9.09.1Bayly (2001)，第26–27頁:What happened in the initial phase of this two-stage sequence was the rise of the royal man of prowess. In this period, both kings and the priests and ascetics with whom men of power were able to associate their rule became a growing focus for the affirmation of a martial and regal form of caste ideal. (...) The other key feature of this period was the reshaping of many apparently casteless forms of devotional faith in a direction which further affirmed these differentiations of rank and community.
^What is India's caste system?. BBC News. 2016-02-25 [2017-05-27]. （原始内容存档于2019-10-04） （英国英语）. Independent India's constitution banned discrimination on the basis of caste, and, in an attempt to correct historical injustices and provide a level playing field to the traditionally disadvantaged, the authorities announced quotas in government jobs and educational institutions for scheduled castes and tribes, the lowest in the caste hierarchy, in 1950.
^Midgley, James. Colonialism and welfare : social policy and the British imperial legacy. United Kingdom: Edward Elgar. 2011: 89–90. ISBN 978-0-85793-243-3.
^Carol Upadhya. The Hindu Nationalist Sociology of G.S. Ghurye. Sociological Bulletin. March 2002, 51 (1): 28–57. JSTOR 23620062.
^Pradip Bose. A.R. Momin , 编. The legacy of G.S. Ghurye : a centennial festschrift. Popular. 1996: 66–67. ISBN 978-81-7154-831-6. [On caste] Ghurye (...) is much influenced by the nineteenth century orientalist historical explanations, which were based basically on three kinds of formulations: the Indo-European or Dravidian theory, the racial theory and the diffusionist theory. (...) At a subsequent stage European social theory, evident in census reports and ethnographic accounts also shape Ghurye's account of the caste system.
^Midgley, James. Colonialism and welfare : social policy and the British imperial legacy. United Kingdom: Edward Elgar. 2011: 86–88. ISBN 978-0-85793-243-3.
^Ghurye (1969)，第278–279; this is pp. 158–159 in the 1932 edition of Ghurye頁.
^Ganguly, Debjani. Caste, colonialism and counter-modernity: notes on a postcolonial hermeneutics of caste. Routledge. 2005: 5–10. ISBN 978-0-415-54435-1.
^Mikael Aktor. Rules of untouchability in ancient and medieval law books: Householders, competence, and inauspiciousness. International Journal of Hindu Studies. 2002, 6 (3): 244, 243–274. S2CID 144957341. doi:10.1007/s11407-002-0002-z.
^Olivelle, Patrick. Chapter 9. Caste and Purity in Collected essays. Firenze, Italy: Firenze University Press. 2008: 240–241. ISBN 978-88-8453-729-4.
^Olivelle, Patrick. Chapter 9. Caste and Purity in Collected essays. Firenze, Italy: Firenze University Press. 2008: 240–245. ISBN 978-88-8453-729-4.
^Kolff, Dirk. Naukar, Rajput, and sepoy : the ethnohistory of the military labour market in Hindustan, 1450–1850. Cambridge University Press. 2002: 198–199. ISBN 978-0-521-52305-9.
^Jaini, Padmanabh. The Jaina path of purification. Motilal Banarsidass. 1998: 294, 285–295. ISBN 978-81-208-1578-0.
^Jaini, Padmanabh. The Jaina path of purification. Motilal Banarsidass. 1998: 289. ISBN 978-81-208-1578-0.
^Jaini, Padmanabh. The Jaina path of purification. Motilal Banarsidass. 1998: 290. ISBN 978-81-208-1578-0.
^Maclean, Derryl. Religion and society in Arab Sind. Netherlands: Brill Academic Publishers. 1997: 31–34, 49–50. ISBN 978-90-04-08551-0.
^Maclean, Derryl. Religion and society in Arab Sind. Netherlands: Brill Academic Publishers. 1997: 31–32, 49. ISBN 978-90-04-08551-0.
^Maclean, Derryl. Religion and society in Arab Sind. Netherlands: Brill Academic Publishers. 1997: 32–33, 49–50. ISBN 978-90-04-08551-0.
^Maclean, Derryl. Religion and society in Arab Sind. Netherlands: Brill Academic Publishers. 1997: 33–34, 49–50. ISBN 978-90-04-08551-0.
^ 139.0139.1139.2Jackson, Peter. The Delhi Sultanate : a political and military history. Cambridge University Press. 2003: 14–15. ISBN 978-0-521-54329-3.
^Malik, Jamal. Islam in South Asia a short history. Brill. 2008: 152–157, 221. ISBN 978-90-04-16859-6.
^Malik, Jamal. Islam in South Asia a short history. Brill. 2008: 149–153. ISBN 978-90-04-16859-6. "Islamic norms permit hierarchical structure, i.e., equality in islam is only in relation to God, rather than between men. Early Muslims and Muslim conquerors in India reproduced social segregation among Muslims and the conquered religious groups. (...) The writings of Abu al-Fadl at Akbar's court mention caste. (...) The courtier and historian Zia al-Din al-Barani not only avowedly detested Hindus, in his Fatawa-ye Jahandari, he also vehemently stood for ashraf supremacy.
^Cook, Michael. The new Cambridge history of Islam. Cambridge University Press. 2010: 481. ISBN 978-0-521-84443-7.
^Habib, Irfan. Essays in Indian history : towards a Marxist perception, with the economic history of Medieval India: a survey. London: Anthem Press. 2002: 250–251. ISBN 978-1-84331-061-7.
^Habib, Irfan. Essays in Indian history : towards a Marxist perception, with the economic history of Medieval India: a survey. London: Anthem Press. 2002: 150–152. ISBN 978-1-84331-061-7.
^Raheja, Gloria. Colonial subjects : essays on the practical history of anthropology (editors: Peter Pels and Oscar Salemink). University of Michigan Press. 2000: 120–122. ISBN 978-0-472-08746-4.
^Dudley-Jenkins, Laura. Identity and Identification in India (see review of sociology journal articles starting page 42). Routledge. October 2009. ISBN 978-0-415-56062-7.
^Jassal, Smita Tewari; École pratique des hautes études (France). Section des sciences économiques et sociales; University of Oxford. Institute of Social Anthropology. Caste in the Colonial State: Mallahs in the census. Contributions to Indian sociology. Mouton. 2001: 319–351. Quote: "The movement, which had a wide interregional spread, attempted to submerge regional names such as Goala, Ahir, Ahar, Gopa, etc., in favour of the generic term Yadava (Rao 1979). Hence a number of pastoralist castes were subsumed under Yadava, in accordance with decisions taken by the regional and national level caste sabhas. The Yadavas became the first among the shudras to gain the right to wear the janeu, a case of successful sanskritisation which continues till date. As a prominent agriculturist caste in the region, despite belonging to the shudra varna, the Yadavas claimed Kshatriya status tracing descent from the Yadu dynasty. The caste's efforts matched those of census officials, for whom standardisation of overlapping names was a matter of policy. The success of the Yadava movement also lies in the fact that, among the jaati sabhas, the Yadava sabha was probably the strongest, its journal, Ahir Samachar, having an all-India spread. These factors strengthened local efforts, such as in Bhojpur, where the Yadavas, locally known as Ahirs, refused to do begar, or forced labour, for the landlords and simultaneously prohibited liquor consumption, child marriages, and so on."
^ 173.0173.1Jaffrelot, Christophe. India's silent revolution: the rise of the lower castes in North India. Columbia University Press. 2003: 210–211. ISBN 978-0-231-12786-8（英语）. Quote: "In his typology of low caste movements, (M. S. A.) Rao distinguishes five categories. The first is characterised by 'withdrawal and self-organisation'. ... The second one, illustrated by the Yadavs, is based on the claim of 'higher varna status' and fits with Sanskritisation pattern. ..."
^Leshnik, Lawrence S.; Sontheimer, Günther-Dietz. Pastoralists and nomads in South Asia. O. Harrassowitz. 1975: 218. ISBN 9783447015523. Quote: "The Ahir and allied cowherd castes (whether actually pastoralists or cultivators, as in the Punjab) have recently organized a pan-Indian caste association with political as well as social reformist goals using the epic designation of Yadava (or Jadava) Vanshi Kshatriya, ie the warrior caste descending from the Yadava lineage of the Mahabharata fame."
^K. Parker. Gerald Larson , 编. Religion and personal law in secular India a call to judgment. Indiana University Press. 2001: 184–189. ISBN 978-0-253-21480-5.
^S Nigam. Disciplining and Policing the "Criminals by Birth", Part 1: The Making of a Colonial Stereotype – The Criminal Tribes and Castes of North India. Indian Economic & Social History Review. 1990, 27 (2): 131–164. S2CID 144018398. doi:10.1177/001946469002700201.
^S Nigam. Disciplining and Policing the "Criminals by Birth", Part 2: The Development of a Disciplinary System, 1871–1900. Indian Economic & Social History Review. 1990, 27 (3): 257–287. S2CID 145441031. doi:10.1177/001946469002700302.
^Stern, Robert. Democracy and dictatorship in South Asia. Praeger. 2001: 53–54. ISBN 978-0-275-97041-3.
^ 189.0189.1189.2Cole, Simon. Suspect identities : a history of fingerprinting and criminal identification. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. 2001: 67–72. ISBN 978-0-674-01002-4. [British] amateur ethnographers believed that Indian castes, because of their strictures against intermarriage, represented pure racial types, and they concocted the notion of racially inferior criminal castes or 'criminal tribes', inbred ethnic groups predisposed to criminal behavior by both cultural tradition and hereditary disposition
^ 190.0190.1Rawat, Ramnarayan. Reconsidering untouchability : Chamars and Dalit history in North India. Bloomington: Indiana University Press. 2011: 26–27. ISBN 978-0-253-22262-6.
^Schwarz, Henry. Constructing the criminal tribe in colonial India : acting like a thief. US: Wiley-Blackwell. 2010: 69–78. ISBN 978-1-4051-2057-9.
^Schwarz, Henry. Constructing the criminal tribe in colonial India : acting like a thief. US: Wiley-Blackwell. 2010: 71–74. ISBN 978-1-4051-2057-9.
^Birinder P. Singh. Criminal tribes of Punjab : a social-anthropological inquiry. New York: Routledge. 2010: liv–lvi, Introduction. ISBN 978-0-415-55147-2.
^Chaturvedi, Vinayak. Peasant pasts history and memory in western India. Berkeley: University of California Press. 2007: 122–126. ISBN 978-0-520-25076-5. In 1911, the entire Dharala [a Rajput caste] population of nearly 250,000 individuals in Kheda district was declared a criminal tribe under Act IIII of 1911, the Criminal Tribes Act.
^ 196.0196.1Schwarz, Henry. Constructing the criminal tribe in colonial India : acting like a thief. US: Wiley-Blackwell. 2010: 99–101. ISBN 978-1-4051-2057-9.
^ 197.0197.1197.2Karade, Jagan. Development of scheduled castes and scheduled tribes in India. Newcastle, UK: Cambridge Scholars. 2014: 25, 23–28. ISBN 978-1-4438-1027-2.
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